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Monday, June 11, 2007

[wvns] BLAIR, TERRORISM & FOREIGN POLICY

Rather than insisting on Muslims' own duty to integrate, British
society must reconcile itself with its self-professed values


BLAIR CAN NO LONGER DENY A LINK EXISTS BETWEEN TERRORISM AND FOREIGN
POLICY
Tariq Ramadan
Guardian
6/4/07
http://www.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,,2094484,00.html?gusrc=rss&feed=11


Let us look closely at recent developments in government policy toward
Muslims. The British Muslim reaction to the July 7 attacks was
exemplary, as Ken Livingstone pointed out, and this was a proof that
they were well integrated into society. A policy of constructive
engagement would have spared no effort to make the best of these
tragic events.

Instead, the British government has adopted an attitude of double
denial, at home and abroad. Obsession with the "terrorist threat"
rapidly colonised debate and drove the government headlong into an
approach restricted to the "fight against radicalisation and
extremism". Though it appeared normal to deal with the issue, the
"Muslim question" could in no way be reduced to one of security.
Further, this policy was accompanied by a demeaning - and frequently
paternalistic - argument on the necessity of "integration". Muslims,
so it went, must accept those British values (liberty, tolerance,
democracy, etc) that make up the essence of "Britishness".

This reductive argument is dangerous on two counts. First, it
tendentiously associates terrorism with integration. It is common
knowledge that the authors of the terrorist acts were thoroughly
integrated: they were educated, held jobs and were culturally
westernised. Second, in today's social and political debate it
normalises a formula that only parties of the extreme right once dared
to articulate: that Muslims, on the whole, have a problem with western
values and must offer more convincing "proof" that they accept them.
On December 8 last year, Tony Blair called on minorities to conform to
"our essential values", stating that they have "a duty to integrate".
The Muslim community, because it is perceived as "badly integrated",
has become suspect.

Terrorism requires analysis of the religious rhetoric and the
political strategies of its authors; they must be confronted firmly.
It is equally clear that an accurately targeted security policy is a
necessity. But this cannot justify sweeping measures applied to an
entire segment of the population on the basis of a misdiagnosis. The
vast majority of British Muslims have absolutely no problem with the
British values cited above. Their cultural and religious integration
is already a fact, as proven by the millions of citizens who live
peaceably in this country.

The problem today is not one of "essential values", but of the gap
between these values and everyday social and political practice.
Justice is applied variably depending on whether one is black, Asian
or Muslim. Equal opportunity is often a myth. Young citizens from
cultural and religious "minorities" run up against the wall of
institutionalised racism. Rather than insisting that Muslims yield to
a "duty to integrate", society must shoulder its "duty of
consistency". It is up to British society to reconcile itself with its
own self-professed values; it is up to politicians to practise what
they preach.

Tony Blair and his government have obliged civil servants to deny that
a link exists between terrorism and British foreign policy. While the
invasion of Iraq can never be claimed as ethical justification for
terrorist attacks against innocent citizens in London, it would be
absurd to deny the reality of the political connection between the
two. The illegal invasion of Iraq, blind support for the insane
policies of George Bush, British silence on the oppression of the
Palestinians - how could these issues not have a direct bearing on the
deep discontent shared by many Muslims toward the west in general, and
toward Britain in particular. Even though this is not the sole
explanation for terrorism, it is certainly part of the explanation
(without arguing that it can be justified).

We must be bold enough to take the measure of this foreign policy, and
listen to the voices of millions of citizens who have democratically
and peacefully opposed the war, citizens whose voices were not heard.
The negative effects of this policy - in terms of confidence - are
deep, not to mention what we now know about the horrors of Guantánamo
and Abu Ghraib, and the secret flights that carried prisoners without
rights through Britain to the black sites of the torture gulag.

Tony Blair will make his last gesture toward the Muslims of Britain
today at an international conference on Islam and Muslims in the
World. The spirit of the initiative seems at first glance praiseworthy
but, on closer inspection, it stands revealed as little more than an
exercise in fence mending or public relations. While I have been
invited to participate in the conference, not a single representative
of the leading British Muslim associations has been invited to speak,
not a single sensitive subject has been touched upon. It is as though
these associations and their leaders were part of the problem, and
could not become an active part of the solution. It is as though we
could hope to solve deep-seated problems by refusing to see them for
what they are. So many fine intentions and words about openness, while
the facts speak instead of petty politics.

If Muslims, in Britain and throughout the world, are to refuse to cast
themselves as victims and instead assume their responsibilities and
develop a critical political awareness, the process must begin by
resisting political manoeuvres designed to lull them, to select their
representatives for them, and even to make cynical use of them. The
imperative is theirs, but it can only be a positive development for
democracy in Britain.


· Tariq Ramadan is the president of the thinktank European Muslim
Network and author of The Messenger, The Meanings of the Life of Muhammad

tariqramadan.com

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