[wvns] Before Horowitz, there was Fukuyama
Our friend a Boston scholar Joachim Martillo found that the true
inspiration for "islamofascism" libel was that of Fukuyama, the father
of neocons who failed to stop history. Joachim proves that the
construct is based on zionist cliches, totally missing the real ideas
of fascism or radical islamism. Really challenging!
Israel Shamir
===
Before Horowitz, there was Fukuyama
by Joachim Martillo (ThorsProvoni @ aol.com)
From Talk of the Nation, Monday , January 13, 2003:
Is the rise of radical Islam a dangerous return to the past ... or a
sign of democratic change in the Middle East?
Writer and thinker Francis Fukuyama joins host Neal Conan to talk
about his theory of "Creative Destruction."
Guest:
Francis Fukuyama
Professor of International Political Economy,
Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, Washington, D.C.
NPR hit a new low with the Talk of the Nation Francis Fukuyama
segment entitled NPR : Francis Fukuyama on 'Creative Destruction'. A
more sophisticated interviewer might have focused on the story behind the
appearance in a journal like Commentary of an article like Fukuyama's
"Can Anything Good Come from Radical Islam?"+
Commentary has long been a vehicle for extreme right-wing Zionist and
racist points of view.(*) Suddenly, just in time for the War on
Terrorism to become an American-lead Israel-supported crusade against
Islam, Fukuyama discovers that the Egyptian Islamism of Hassan
al-Banna and Sayd Qutb has similarities with Fascism and Communism.
The claim is a clear attempt at demonization by association, a
favorite technique of Zionist hasbarah (propaganda).
Because Egyptian Islamism has since the 1920s been at the forefront of
anti-Zionism, finding the smoking gun of the link between political
Islam, Fascism and Communism has long been a favorite pastime of
Zionist ideologists.
Finding such a connection has a very specific political purpose.
While the USA has no genuine common interests with Zionism or with the
State of Israel, the Zionist lobby counts on a reflexive reaction
among Americans that Fascism, Communism and related ideological
movements are irredeemable evils that must be fought to an
unconditional surrender.
The Talk of the Nation interview indicates that Fukuyama has no clue
what Fascism is. Fascism is at the core a nationalist revision of
Marxist socialism on which a superstructure of extremist organic
nationalism, anti-bourgeois collectivism and state corporatism is
constructed. Some forms of Fascism invoke racist and primordialist
ideas. In France and Spain, Fascism was extremely antidemocratic
while Eastern European versions of Fascism preferred the veneer of
formal democracy over a basically undemocratic state organization.
During the interview both Neil Conan and Francis Fukuyama confused
Fascism and German Nazism. They are distinct but related ideological
phenomena. Only a very few French fascists like Brasillach came close
to a German Nazi point of view. Despite the official name of the Nazi
party, nationalist revision of Marxist socialism does not play a role
in Nazi ideology as developed by Hitler. German Nazism combines
ethnic fundamentalism, extremist organic nationalism, anti-bourgeois
collectivism, primordialism, social Darwinism and biological determinism.
German Nazis were generally less antidemocratic or undemocratic than
Fascists and had something of a fondness for plebiscites. From the
German Nazi standpoint voting was not necessarily bad as long as
voters belonged to the correct racial stock (an opinion that they
share with Zionists and modern French neo-Fascists, who have developed
a xenophobic anti-Arab revision of Fascism).
Fascism and German Nazism have a major ideological conflict because
generally reconciling any form of socialism and social Darwinism is
difficult. The Borokhovian variant of Labor Zionism, which is a
subspecies of Fascism, achieved a true synthesis of Fascism and social
Darwinism by applying social Darwinism only to the conflict among
nations and not to the struggle among individuals within society. The
reconciliation between Fascism and Social Darwinism is particularly
clear in the writings of Arlosoroff, who was one of the main Labor
Zionist ideological theorists and who was strongly influenced by
Borokhov even though he did not agree with him on all particulars.(**)
Can we trace the influence of Fascist ideology in political Islamism
as easily as we can identify it in Labor Zionism?(***)
Is there anything in the writings of Hassan al-Banna or Sayd Qutb that
looks remotely lie the key Fascist ideas that are found in the works
of Deat, Drieu de la Rochelle, Mussolini, de Man, Barres, Sorel,
Valois or Brasillach?
Is there even evidence in the writings of Hassan al-Banna or Sayd Qutb
of any but the most cursory familiarity with the basic Fascist ideas?
Nothing that Fukuyama has written or said indicates that he could
answer the questions. The Talk of the Nation interview suggests that
he has either not read or has not comprehended any of the primary
literature of Fascism or of Islamism.
For obvious reasons an intellectual like Fukuyama, whose thought is
part of the discourse bolstering hegemonic US domination and who
writes for Zionist propaganda publications, would want to demonize
Egyptian Islamism and probably all anti-hegemonic movements as an
expression of Fascism and Communism. Yet he will have to do better,
for Syrian and Iraqi Baathism , which was genuinely and demonstrably
influenced by French Fascist thought, contrasts tremendously with
Egyptian Islamism, which is primarily a early non-nationalist form of
anti-colonialism and anti-imperialism.
Al-Banna mainly opposed British interference in Egyptian politics and
Zionist colonialism in Palestine. Egyptian Islamists intended to
fight Western colonialism and imperialism primarily on the home front
in Egypt. After winning in Egypt, they expected to take the battle to
Palestine to drive out the British and their Eastern European settler
colonist colonial surrogates. Taking the struggle back to the
imperial motherland was a fallback position if the primary strategy
failed.
Al-Banna's ideology employs Islamic language and is particularly
hostile to internal collaborators, who are to be fought primarily via
social and religious reform. Egyptian Islamists undertook rebellion
against the Egyptian government not from a Sorelian belief in social
or national purification through violence but because all other
vehicles of political influence were closed to them.
While some breakaway Islamist political groups began to show
nihilistic tendencies as a result of brutal suppression by the Mubarak
government as may have some Algerian Islamist factions in response to
the suppression of elections,
* the significance of Islamist nihilism remained small in Egypt if
it ever exists,
* there never was any clear identification of the Algerian groups
that committed massacres or determination of their reasons or goals, and
* Bin-Ladinism cannot be considered nihilistic on the basis of
anything Bin-Ladin has written or said.
Because at least half the War against Terrorism must be fought on the
ideological front in order to turn supporters away from Bin-Ladin,
analyzing and understanding the ideological roots and affinities of
ideologies like Islamism, Baathism, Zionism, Nazism, Fascism and
Communism is a large and important part of the effort to develop a
counterstrategy, but Fukuyama provides us only with trite vaguely
Zionist demonism and propaganda. If he wants to supply any sort of
genuinely useful scholarship, I would suggest that he start with a
serious study of the Zionist thought from the same period as the first
stirrings of Egyptian Islamism.
Historiography of Pre-State Zionism argues that Zionism provides a
unique window to investigate the whole constellation of late 19th
century and early 20th century ideas that form the warp and woof of
movements like Nazism, Fascism, Pan-Germanism, Russian pan-Slavism,
Greater Serbianism and Polish nationalism. Once Fukuyama understood
the political and intellectual history of this period from the
perspective of Europe, he would be more prepared to address the same
period of Ottoman, Arab, Turkish and Iranian political thought.
Fukuyama should reflect whether anyone inclined to Bin-Ladinism or
Islamist anti-Americanism will take seriously any American criticism
or condemnation of political Islam as long as the USA panders the
perverted Zionist application of Jewish religious ideas, myths and
scripture to advance colonialism, imperialism, ethnic cleansing,
racism and invasion in the Middle East.
NOTES
+ Modernizing Islam, a response to Francis Fukuyama by Martin Kramer
is a thoroughly Zionist response to Fukuyama. Both Fukuyama and Kramer
should respond to the question whether anything good came out of
radical Jewish (ethnic Ashkenazi) ethnic fundamentalism (Zionism) in
order to provide a baseline to judge their views on Islamism.
(*) See Ruth Wisse, Yiddish: Past, Present and Imperfect, Commentary,
November 1997.
(**) Social Darwinism is the common language that Zionists and Bush's
form of Republicanism share. One can only stand in awe at the triumph
of marketing and advertising that has successfully repackaged social
Darwinism as compassionate conservatism. Bush applies social
Darwinism both to the conflict among individuals within society and to
the conflict between nations. Jabotinsky took precisely the same
standpoint in his development of Revisionist Zionist ideology in
Russian. Revisionist Zionism today is the basis of Likud ideology. Is
it surprising that an American political leader who could call social
Darwinism compassionate conservatism could also proclaim that Sharon,
the leader of the Likud party, is a man of peace?
(***) Just compare the writings of the Zionist Berl Katznelson and the
Belgian Fascist Henri de Man.
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