[wvns] Uphill Struggle for Gaza

`Staying here is my Jihad" (interview with Hani Abu Haikel, Hebron)
19 September 2007
http://www.palestinemonitor.org/spip/spip.php?article107

Even by Zionist standards, the settlers in Hebron are extremists,
intent on driving local Palestinians from their homes. But residents
like Hani Abu Haikel and his family are equally intent on resistance.

Settlers in Hebron claim the city belongs to them. Hani Abu Haikel and
his family live in the Tel Rumeida district of Hebron. His house is at
the top of a small hill overlooking the old city, and would have a
great view, except there are iron grills over all of the windows. A
small posse of international observers based in Hebron accompanied me
to Hani's house one evening. They told me he always welcomes visitors
to his home, because he feels safer when people are coming and going.
It was already dark when we got there, but Hani immediately invited us
all in for tea.

`My father was from Hebron, and he built his first house here in 1947
– the year before Israel declared itself," he told us. "He was a
grocer, and he was happy to work alongside Jewish people. Even when I
was young he told me this conflict was not about them being Jews and
us being Muslims: it was about our right to live in our homes without
Israeli occupation. I have always believed him."

Hanis' parents moved to this house in the mid fifties. He was born
here and has lived in Tel Rumeida all his life. "The Jewish settlers
first moved here in the mid seventies" he said. "Slowly they expanded
Tel Rumeida, until it surrounded our home. Many times they have
offered us vast money to leave here. You know the last time they
offered me $20 million."

"Really?" I couldn't quite believe this.
`Yes – twenty million" he insisted. "You have to understand there are
very rich Jews in the US who want to help their brothers in the Holy
Land, so they offer to pay for the settlers to bribe us to leave.
These settlers told me they would take my family to Haifa, then we
would fly to Argentina and they would pay for our villa and new luxury
car. They know I would have to leave for good, because taking this
money means I would have a fatwa against me."

Settler communities across East Jerusalem and the West Bank use a
combination of harassment and bribes to oust Palestinians from their
homes, knowing full well these families will immediately be condemned
as collaborators and hence never able to return. "I believed their
offer of millions of dollars was genuine, because I know how much the
settlers here want to be rid of us," said Hani. "But I refused them,
like I always do. And whenever I refuse, then the harassment gets even
worse."
He and his family have suffered years of harassment from the Tel
Rumeida settlers. "They have burnt out five different cars that I
bought. They have destroyed half my olive trees, poured paint over my
grape vines, threatened my children, and constantly tried to bribe us.
You know my wife and I have not been able to leave our house empty
since 1984." "In the last twenty three years my family has never taken
a holiday together" he reiterated. "Even when we are invited to a
wedding or a party one of my brothers stays in the house until I come
home, then he goes to the party and I stay here. Our house is never
empty because I know the settlers will move straight in and occupy my
home."

The settlers harass and threaten local Palestinians living in Hebron,
who are now barred from parts of the old city. Hebron has the dubious
distinction of being the only Palestinian city outside of East
Jerusalem where Jewish settlers are occupying the centre. Around 800
Jewish settlers are occupying Hebron, and even by Zionist standards,
these are extremists. They claim the massacre of 67 Jews by local
Arabs in 1929 drove the Jewish population out of Hebron, and say
they've returned to reclaim the city. When settler Baruch Goldstein
murdered 29 Hebron Palestinians whilst they were at prayer in 1994, he
was hailed as a hero by many local settlers.

Over the last thirty years the settlers have occupied buildings across
the old city, including Tel Rumeida, and apartments above the Beit
Hadasseh open air market. The local Palestinian Municipality had to
install metal grids over the top of the market because the Beit
Hadasseh settlers were constantly throwing bricks and trash at
Palestinians below.

In 1997 the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and Israel agreed
to divide Hebron into two zones - H1 and H2.
H1, about eighty percent of Hebron, is now officially controlled by
the Palestinian Authority, though the Israeli military patrol the
entire city. H2 is inner city Hebron, including the old city and the
souk, and is completely under Israeli military control. There are
checkpoints every few hundred yards. Shohada Street is the main
thoroughfare running from H2 to H1. Palestinians are not allowed to
drive here, and are completely banned from the centre of the street
because it's occupied by another Jewish settlement.

Hani Abu Haikel (centre) and his family, whose home is completely
surrounded by Tel Rumeida settlement, have endured years of harassment
and abuse from settlers. With the complicity of the Israeli military,
these settlers have driven the majority of Palestinian families in the
old city from their homes. There used to be more than 300 Palestinian
families based around the old souk. Now there are less than fifty.
More than twelve hundred businesses have shut down in the last ten
years, and the souk is so quiet it feels almost haunted. At night this
is a virtual no-go area for Palestinians because of military patrols
and heavily armed male settlers. Like Hani Abu Haikel and his family,
local Palestinians have been forced to fortify their homes with metal
grids and reinforced glass, and to keep a tight rein on their
children. They live under constant siege from soldiers and settlers.

But local Palestinians in this ravaged old city are still resisting
occupation without resorting to violence. Recently a few more local
shops have reopened, bolstered by the presence of international
observers, like the Christian Peacemaker Team (CPT) the Ecumenical
Accompaniment Program (EAPPI) and the International Solidarity
Movement, who all visit premises on request. The store owners say this
deters the Israeli military from immediately closing them down for
"security reasons."
Many local Palestinians say international observers like CPT, who've
been working in Hebron for a decade, make life bearable by
accompanying their children to school, and visiting their homes in the
evenings when they feel especially vulnerable.

But, more surprisingly, one of the descendants of the Hebron Jews who
left in 1929 has also rebelled against the settlers. Haim Hanegbi, a
retired journalist living in Tel Aviv, describes himself as an
"anti-Zionist" and says the settlers should get out of Hebron until
Jews and Palestinians enjoy equal rights in the city.
"We have to throw them out of Hebron, down to the last one" he
recently told the Jerusalem Post newspaper.

Hanegbi's comments roused interest in the press, but have done nothing
to deter the settlers who spit, throw stones, trash and threats at
Palestinians in Hebron. Even when several settler families were
forcibly removed from the old city after legal challenges to their
presence, they moved straight back in.

Hebron is a microcosm of some of the most virulent aspects of the
Israeli occupation: here settlers are intent on driving Palestinians
from their homes and land by any means necessary. The impotence of the
Palestinian Authority to confront Jewish settlers stems back to the
1993 Oslo Peace Accords, when the PLO gave Israel a free rein to
expand existing settlements, and to construct new ones. There are now
around 500,000 Jewish settlers living across the West Bank, in total
contravention of international law, but with the full support of the
Israeli Government and military.

For Hani Abu Haikel it is clear what lies ahead.
"The settlers want to drive my family out" he said. "But with our
international friends we have witnesses, and that gives us the
strength that we need to resist them. I am staying here. This is my
jihad."

===

Palestinians struggle in dire straits
By Martin Asser
BBC News, Jenin
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/7027405.stm

Charcoal is mass-produced in Yabad using pre-industrial techniques
Hassan is 53, but the lines on his face suggest a man at least 20
years older; when asked to describe what his life is like he uses a
single word: "al-mawt" (death).

He is a charcoal-burner in the blackened, smoke-filled valleys around
Yabad, in the northern West Bank.

It takes two weeks of low-oxygen incineration to make charcoal from
the carefully packed mounds of citrus wood covered in cinders.

The burners must constantly tend the mounds, applying wet straw to
maintain the temperature for producing charcoal.

It is sweltering work for a few dollars a day. There is no respite
from the choking fumes getting into eyes, nose and mouth, and lungs;
after a few minutes of just standing near the mounds you feel asphyxiated.

The fumes are why there is nearly twice the normal rate for chronic
respiratory disease here and higher mortality, not only among burners
but also Yabad's 20,000 inhabitants.

But charcoal is one of the few sources of income available in what has
become a severely economically depressed area.

Catastrophic loss

The economy is in freefall; people are living in conditions I would
compare to parts of Africa and the poorest parts of Asia

Charles Clayton
National Director, World Vision

Jenin and surrounding villages used to rely on three main activities,
agriculture, labouring jobs in Israel and employment in the
Palestinian Authority.

But the area is now sealed off from Israel by the West Bank barrier,
water is scarce for irrigation and the PA has little money to pay
employees.

Unemployment has reached 90% in some villages, poverty levels have
risen "dramatically" in the words of the World Bank, and the average
annual income has fallen by nearly a third since 1999.

Parts of society are falling back on subsistence farming and
scavenging, or surviving on handouts.

"I've met trained teachers pulling stones from the ground to help
their neighbours prepare for planting," says Charles Clayton, national
director of the World Vision organisation which is starting
development work in the area.

"What we are seeing is a catastrophic loss of the economy; it's in
freefall so that people are living in conditions I would compare to
parts of Africa and the poorest parts of Asia."

Although Hassan has been making charcoal for 15 years, his workmates
now include university graduates.

Hundreds of the polluting black mounds line the roads around Yabad and
their numbers are increasing week-by-week.

"We call it DE-development," says Mr Clayton. "Most of World Vision's
work is about development, this is unique, and it is artificially
created."

Doubly displaced

PALESTINIAN ECONOMY
Per capita GDP:
$1,129 ($1,612)
Households in poverty:
31% (20%)
In deep poverty - Gaza:
35% (21.6%)
In deep poverty - West Bank;
13% (8.4%)
Source: UN figures, 2006 (1998)

Yabad's charcoal industry may be harmful to health and environment,
but at least it has exploitable resources such as land and a supply of
wood.

Large quantities of charcoal are transported to Israel; with its long
shelf-life it is immune to delays at Israel's military checkpoints and
there's a ready market for hubble-bubble pipes and barbecues.

Other communities, like nearby Fahma al-Jadida, are not so blessed.
Many of the 750 residents in this former Jordanian army camp are
doubly displaced and have no ancestral land.

They fled to Gaza from the former Palestine when Israel was created in
1948, and were expelled to the West Bank after 1967 when Israel
occupied the Gaza Strip.

"Whoever had money went elsewhere, and only the poorest are left,"
explains village headman Samir Abu Mashayikh.

Yabad has resources to survive but at a cost to health and environment
In the current dire economic situation, foraging for scrap metal is
the only source of income left for many.

Families survive on a few bags of rice, flour and sugar from relief
agencies.

"Most families only taste fresh meat once a year, at the Eid donated
by Islamic charities," says Mr Abu Mashayikh.

Young breadwinners

A shocking, but typical example of conditions in Fahma al-Jadida is
provided by Mahmoud al-Mjadou's family.

Their home for the last seven years has been a two-room concrete
former blockhouse on the edge of the camp.

The walls are stained with mould and smoke and their few possessions -
bed, TV, carpet, electric fan - do little to remove the impression of
a poorly lit cow shed.

The reinforced concrete ceiling is crumbling dangerously, letting in
rainwater during winter months.

Iyad Mjadou,11, bears the scars of his job scavenging for scrap
Mahmoud's wife sits on the carpet with the fan trained on her
nine-month-old infant son who is struggling to breathe because of
illness. She is pregnant with what will be her ninth child if the
pregnancy is successful.

Ten-year-old Iyad has singed his eyebrows and has angry-look burns on
his face from an accident five days earlier when he was setting fire
to electric cables.

It wasn't a child's game. The youngsters are the breadwinners here,
burning cables and old radial tyres to extract the metal.

At the moment Mahmoud himself cannot earn a living. He used to deliver
scrap metal to a local dealer, but his unlicensed vehicle was recently
stopped at an Israeli flying checkpoint and confiscated.

Reduced workforce

Wherever you go in the northern West Bank the stories are the same.

Residents tell of a once-thriving region doing lucrative trade over
the Green Line, not just with the Israeli Arabs who predominate in the
plains to the north of the West Bank, but Israeli Jews too.

The costs are going to be massive, and it'll take a decade to be a
functioning place again

Charles Clayton
National Director, World Vision

The West Bank barrier - built to prevent terrorist attacks, according
to Israel - has stopped all that.

It has also cut off the livelihoods of the large numbers of labourers
who used to cross into Israel to work on farms and building sites.

It is not unusual to find a workforce of hundreds of labourers in a
village, who once brought financial security to many hundreds more,
reduced to just a handful men getting the necessary permits to cross
into Israel.

Others find ways to cross illegally, but there are risks. They face
arrest by the authorities and anyone involved in an industrial
accident can be sent home without medical support or compensation.

For most northern West Bankers, though, there seems little hope for
the future as jobs become scarcer and bills become harder to pay.

For development specialists like Charles Clayton there is an urgent
need to counter the Palestinian de-development phenomenon, but it is
also important not to normalise "something that should never be normal".

"This is man-made poverty, and there are people whose lives could be
completely transformed by the decision of politicians," he said.

"The costs are going to be massive, and it'll take a decade to be a
functioning place again, but within just a few weeks of that decision
there would be a different attitude."

===

"How will I care for my children?"
Rami Almeghari writing from Deir al-Balah, occupied Gaza Strip, Live
from Palestine, Sep 3, 2007

Halima Abu 'Isa, a 45-year-old widow and mother of two, holding money
that she and many others will not be receiving once 103 NGOs in Gaza
are shut down, August 2007. (Iyad Albaba)

"May God close the eyes of anyone who attempts to shut down the
al-Salah charitable society that provides us our living." So said
Halima Abu 'Isa, a 45-year-old widow and mother of two in reaction to
the decision of the Palestinian Authority in Ramallah to close down
103 Palestinian charities.

The monthly allowance of 900 shekels (US $230) that Abu 'Isa receives
from al-Salah, an Islamic charity with links to Hamas, is the only
thing that stands between her and destitution. She lives in a rented
house in the central Gaza Strip town of Deir al-Balah and is the sole
caretaker of two children since her husband died eleven years ago in a
road accident.

"Why do they want to close down these charities that have provided me
and so many others with dignity and spared us from begging," Abu 'Isa
asks. "How will I care for my children and repay my debts if, heaven
forbid, they cut off my allowance?" She strongly blames those who have
taken this decision.

The Palestinian government in Ramallah, appointed by Palestinian
Authority president Mahmoud Abbas in June, without the approval of the
Palestinian Legislative Council, issued a decree last month ordering
the closure of 103 Palestinian charities alleging financial
improprieties. In a 29 August statement, the Palestinian Centre for
Human Rights condemned the decision as illegal and called "upon the
government in Ramallah to rescind this decision that will cut off
humanitarian and emergency aid to thousands of Palestinian families."

The elected government headed by Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh of
Hamas, which still operates in the Gaza Strip, also rejected the
decision, pointing out that it was politically motivated and designed
to weaken Hamas. Spokesman Sami Abu Zuhri said that "the allegation
that these societies are involved in fraud and financial corruption is
baseless," adding that "many of them belong to the interior ministry
and there is a continuous auditing of their budgets."

Abu Zuhri warned that the Ramallah government would attempt to make
"use of its international contacts," to "put pressure on the banks in
a bid to weaken the performance of such organizations." Abbas and his
appointed prime minister Salam Fayyad have been given backing by
Israel, the United States and the European Union, while Hamas has been
isolated.

In Gaza, there was widespread dismay. Mohammed Shahin, a 15-year-old
orphan from the Deir al-Balah town, who is studying at the al-Salah
orphans' preparatory school, voiced his outrage fearing his school
could be shut down.

"This school has enabled me to learn many useful things and taught me
how to be well-behaved," Mohammad says. "I will hate those who would
close it down as long as I live."

According to Um Umar, who heads the orphans department at the charity,
the al-Salah society provides aid to 12,000 Palestinian orphans and
disburses monthly allowances to 700 families across the Gaza Strip.

The latest decision by the Ramallah government follows a series of
other measures taken by Abbas, who is also leader of the Fatah
movement which lost the January 2006 legislative election to Hamas, to
impose its will.

Abbas's Ramallah government issued decrees purporting to cancel all
decisions taken by Haniyeh's government and has refused to pay the
salaries of thousands of Palestinian civil servants in the Gaza Strip
with the Palestinian tax funds released to it by Israel. Abbas and his
advisors have accused Hamas of staging a "military coup."

These measures followed Hamas' move to take complete control of
Palestinian Authority institutions in the Gaza Strip in early June,
ejecting forces loyal to Abbas and Fatah. Hamas justified the move by
pointing out that certain Fatah militias, particularly those headed by
Abbas advisor Muhammad Dahlan, had been receiving foreign funding and
weapons and attempting to undermine and overthrow the elected
government since it took office.

After the Hamas takeover, Fatah pulled out of the "national unity
government" which had been in office since March under a
Saudi-brokered deal and has worked to tighten the siege against Gaza.

A senior Fatah leader in the West Bank, Mohammed al-Hourani sought to
justify the shut down of the charities, stating that "this decision
came concurrent with a development plan that is intended at improving
living conditions of middle and lower classes of Palestinian society
and to achieve this end, the authority should adopt centralization in
administering service-based organizations."

Although the United States has approved tens of millions of dollars to
support the Ramallah government, it is not clear how it would
implement such plans on the ground, if they even exist, since it does
not have any power in the Gaza Strip. Meanwhile, Hamas leaders vow
that they will continue to resist a crippling boycott imposed on them
since they won the legislative elections.

Rami Almeghari is currently contributor to several media outlets
including the Palestine Chronicle, aljazeerah.info, IMEMC, The
Electronic Intifada and Free Speech Radio News. Rami is also a former
senior English translator at and editor in chief of the international
press center of the Gaza-based Palestinian Information Service. He can
be contacted at rami_almeghari at hotmail.com.

===

A deaf world for deaf children
Alan Hart
Wednesday, 10 October 2007
http://www.uruknet.de/?s1=1&p=37074&s2=10

A friend of mine has just received the following short report from the
Atfulna School for Deaf Children in Gaza.

In this "Enemy Entity" where we live under restrictions of a
ridiculous embargo, I would not be surprised that the coming months
will find us fighting over a pen or a sheet of paper. Other than food,
medicine and fuel, anything that sells out in the shops is not
replaced. Use your imagination: Only five months into the embargo, no
more cement, no wood, no ink, no printing paper, no glue, no needles,
no nylon sheeting, no nails, and the list goes on.

You might be interested to know that the 300 children in the Atfaluna
School for Deaf Children are doing without their hearing aids because
we are unable to bring hearing aids or hearing aid batteries across
the border into the Gaza Strip. The last two shipments of hearing aids
and hearing aid batteries from our German supplier have been
confiscated by the Israeli Postal Services for security reasons
because the batteries contain zinc. Pleeeeeeze!

Almost 50% of the population of the Gaza Strip is under the age of 14.
This means that 700,000 children are victims of cruel collective
punishment. Hey, ... but who cares anyway?

One answer is not the governments of the international community. They
are all complicit in the Zionist state's collective punishment of the
people of Gaza, which is a war crime. (As I write in Volume One of
Zionism: The Real Enemy of the Jews, there are two sets of rules for
the behaviour of nations - one for all the nations of the world with
the exception of Israel, and one for Israel).

===

Exam failure: the price Gaza's children are paying for international
blockade
By Donald Macintyre in Gaza City
06 October 2007
http://news.independent.co.uk/world/middle_east/article3033358.ece

Unfailingly polite, and spotless in their uniforms of blue and white
striped smocks, the teenage pupils from the UN Relief and Works Agency
Girls' Preparatory A school in Al Deraj were initially shy about
talking about why they had wound up in a remedial class.

"We can't concentrate," said Kholoud Shehada, 15. "We have other
things on our minds." What exactly? Kholoud paused before saying
hesitantly: "My father is unemployed."

Gradually emboldened the girls began to speak up. They would like new
clothes for next week's Eid al Fitr, one of the two great religious
festivals in the Muslim calendar, and a time of giving and
celebration; but they know it is unlikely. "There are many things we
are lacking," said Raja Abu Asser, 16. "Our parents are unemployed. It
is difficult for them even to get the basic stationery we need. Living
conditions are difficult. We love our school but we would like a happy
Eid." And there are other problems at home, some at least a result of
a Gaza unemployment rate which a World Bank official suggested in July
could reach an unprecedented 44 per cent. "Some of the girls' parents
are fighting with each other," said Sojoud Nattat, 15.

With their ready smiles and warm welcome for visitors, the girls are
touching on – and understating – only a few of the factors that have
caused a devastating deterioration in educational indicators across
the Gaza Strip, riven over the past two years by conflict, both
internal and external, and by ever-deepening poverty.

UNRWA figures show that in their schools – which cater for the refugee
families who make up three-quarters of Gaza's 1.4 million population –
the exam failure rates in Arabic for grades 4 to 9 (ages nine to 15)
range from 34.9 per cent for grade 4 to a peak of 61.1 per cent at
grade 8.

And the figures for mathematics are worse still. At every grade
between four and nine more than 65 per cent fail and at grade six the
failure rate is 90 per cent.

And to reinforce the point that the problem is specific to Gaza (or at
least to the occupied territories; the exam system in the West Bank
makes a comparison impossible) the results are dramatically worse than
those for UNRWA-run Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon and Syria. In
Lebanon, just over 90 per cent of Palestinian children passed the
Baccalaureate 2 exam in the last academic year; in Syria just under 90
per cent passed the Preparatory State exam.

The results would be a shock anywhere; for Palestinians who, not least
in Gaza, set the highest value on education it is social catastrophe.
Amna Nabahin, the school's resourceful head, is in no doubt that
poverty and unemployment are top of a long list of "inter-related
factors". Of course the years of bloody conflict have taken their
toll; but a child "whose parents cannot meet the basic needs like a
uniform, stationery or pocket money will be anxious and not progress
with their studies," she says.

Against a background of two years of a draconian international
economic boycott and – since Ham s's bloody takeover in June – a
continuous closure by Israel of the main Karni crossing which has seen
manufacturing industry shut down and more than 50,000 workers laid
off, 10 per cent of the girls admit to coming to school with no
breakfast – and the true number is probably higher. "Many girls are
very shy and embarrassed to say they have had no breakfast," she adds.

With locally raised donations she has instituted a free school
breakfast programme. Such is the solidarity among the girls that "one
girl came to us and said her father had got a job and she wanted
another girl to take her place for free breakfasts". She said that the
mother of one girl who stayed away for the first month finally came to
her and admitted that it was because she could not afford the uniform
– which Mrs Nabahin then managed to provide.

Whether because they are too busy trying to keep their families
together or look for jobs, or because of the apathy often induced by
unemployment Mrs Nabahin says only around half of the 120 parents
invited to a recent meeting attended. One item on the agenda was
domestic violence – husbands against wives, fathers against children
and brothers against sisters – which Mrs Nabahin says has increased
over the past two to three years. "A father who is unemployed will
become aggressive and that will affect family life and make the child
less creative," she adds. With an acute shortage of classrooms, the
school day is truncated by a two-shift system. And with class sizes of
45 to 48 Mrs Nabahin says "each girl does not get the right to express
herself and the teacher is unable to follow up with each child".

Despite its chronic shortage of resources in the face of ever rising
demand UNRWA is making valiant steps to alleviate the crisis. This
includes replacing automatic end-of-year upgrades with remedial
classes like the one at Al Deraj, limiting class sizes for boys –
whose results are worse than for girls – to 30, building a new teacher
training college, running extra classes in Arabic and maths, and
hiring 1,500 new teachers' assistants across the Strip. "The
cumulative impact of years of violence, and closures, of disrupted
schooling and endemic poverty is clear from the stark exam results,"
says John Ging, UNRWA's operations director in Gaza, adding that
despite all the challenges "we are determined to ensure that our
reforms and our drive to excellence in UNRWA schools will be successful".

It will be an uphill struggle, especially while the isolation imposed
on Gaza by the international community and Israel continues. It's hard
to over-estimate the impact on a generation of Gaza schoolchildren
whom UNRWA spokesman Chris Gunness says are being "bred in despair".
He adds: "We risk radicalising people who show every sign of wanting
only a measure of prosperity and dignity".

*********************************************************************

WORLD VIEW NEWS SERVICE

To subscribe to this group, send an email to:
wvns-subscribe@yahoogroups.com

NEWS ARCHIVE IS OPEN TO PUBLIC VIEW
http://finance.groups.yahoo.com/group/wvns/

Need some good karma? Appreciate the service?
Please consider donating to WVNS today.
Email ummyakoub@yahoo.com for instructions.

To leave this list, send an email to:
wvns-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com

Yahoo! Groups Links

<*> To visit your group on the web, go to:

http://groups.yahoo.com/group/wvns/

<*> Your email settings:
Individual Email | Traditional

<*> To change settings online go to:

http://groups.yahoo.com/group/wvns/join

(Yahoo! ID required)

<*> To change settings via email:
mailto:wvns-digest@yahoogroups.com
mailto:wvns-fullfeatured@yahoogroups.com

<*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
wvns-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com

<*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to:

http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/